Iii key demographic forces accept reshaped the overall U.Southward. population in contempo years: growing racial and indigenous diversity, increasing clearing and rising numbers of older adults. But these trends are playing out differently in the nation'southward rural, urban and suburban communities, touching some more than others.

As well, recent U.South. population growth also has been uneven. Urban counties accept grown at roughly the overall national rate of 13% since 2000. Suburban and small metropolitan areas accept grown more than briskly. Rural counties take lagged, and one-half of them have fewer residents now than they did in 2000.

According to a Pew Research Center analysis of census data, since 2000, U.S. urban and suburban populations have grown at least as much as they did over the prior decade. Only the total rural population has grown less than it did in the 1990s, when ascension numbers fed promise of a modest "rural rebound." As a result, a somewhat smaller share of Americans now live in rural counties (14% vs. 16% in 2000).

More recently, the Census Bureau's population estimates for 2017 show a one-year uptick in the nation's rural population, though not enough to make up for previous declines. Analysis by demographer Kenneth M. Johnson attributed the increase to gains in rural communities on the edge of metropolitan areas, while more than remote counties continued to lose population.

This affiliate compares iii dissimilar types of communities among the nation's counties, based on a National Heart for Health Statistics (NCHS) classification system. The assay covers 3,130 of the nation'southward three,142 counties and county equivalents such every bit parishes and independent cities. Run across Methodology for more item.

Urban cadre counties: These 68 counties – for example, Miami-Dade County, Milwaukee County and San Diego County – are located in the 53 U.South. metropolitan areas with at least a million people. In the NCHS classification system they are called "large central metro" counties, and about three-in-ten Americans (31%) live in them. These counties are sometimes referred to merely as "urban" or "cities" in this report.

Suburban and small metro counties: These i,093 counties – sometimes called "suburbs" in this study – include those outside the core cities of the largest metro areas, also as the entirety of other metropolitan areas. This group includes "large fringe metro," "medium metro" and "small metro" counties in the NCHS classification arrangement. Near one-half of Americans (55%) live in suburban counties and smaller metropolitan areas, among them New Oasis County, Connecticut, DeKalb County (near Atlanta), and Boise County, Idaho.

Rural: These 1,969 counties are located in non-metropolitan areas. Only 14% of Americans alive in them. These communities, with a median population size of sixteen,535, include counties or county equivalents such as Evangeline Parish, Louisiana; Navajo Canton, Arizona; and Elk County, Pennsylvania.

The flow of people in and out of different types of U.S. counties is affecting their size and composition. Since 2000, more than people left rural counties for urban, suburban or small metro counties than moved in from those areas. Because there were not plenty new immigrants to beginning those departures, rural counties as a group grew only because they had more births than deaths.

At the national level, not-Hispanic whites make up the majority of the population, but a key demographic shift is underway: Whites are a shrinking share of the population and expected to be less than half by midcentury as other groups abound more apace. Whites accept become a minority of the population in most urban counties since 2000, while remaining the bulk in xc% of suburban and pocket-size metro counties and 89% of rural ones.

Some other key demographic trend, the rising in clearing in recent decades, has raised the foreign-born share of the U.South. population overall and has increased the share in each type of county, although to varying degrees. Immigrants, along with their children and grandchildren, have accounted for the majority of U.S. population growth since 1965. But immigrants are more than concentrated in cities and suburbs than in rural areas. On the flip side, the majority of rural counties now take fewer U.S.-built-in residents than in 2000, a primal factor in their dwindling populations.

A third major population driver – the aging of the giant Baby Blast generation – too has varying impacts on different county types. Rural areas have a higher share of adults who are ages 65 and older than urban or suburban counties. But suburban counties take experienced the sharpest increases in the number of older adults since 2000.

The analysis in this chapter relies mainly on Census Bureau data. Current numbers for county characteristics come from the American Customs Survey (ACS) combined data for 2012-2016, the latest available. Current numbers for natural increment/subtract and migration flows come from population estimates for 2014, the about comparable year to the ACS information because it is the midpoint of the combined ACS data used in this chapter. See Methodology for more detail.

Suburbs growing more than rapidly than rural or urban areas

About 46 million Americans live in the nation's rural counties, 175 1000000 in its suburbs and small metros and about 98 million in its urban core counties.

As a group, the population in rural counties grew 3% since 2000, less than their 8% growth in the 1990s. Urban county population rose 13% since 2000 and the population in suburban and small metro counties went upwards 16%, growth rates somewhat college than in the 1990s.2 The share of U.Due south. residents who live in rural counties declined in the 1990s and since 2000, but rose in suburban counties during both periods and held steady in urban counties.

Although the rural population as a whole has grown since 2000, the majority of populations in individual rural counties take not. Since the plow of the century, the population declined in 52% of rural counties – ane,024 of 1,969. Among the hardest striking counties were those where the economy is based on farming, almost a fifth of rural counties.

Growth factors vary for cities, suburbs and rural areas

There are four main drivers of population proceeds or loss at the county level: births, deaths, new immigrants coming from abroad or leaving, and people moving to or from other U.S. counties (including immigrants already living in the U.S.). The census numbers show that these factors are affecting cities, suburbs and rural communities differently.

Urban areas gained 1.6 million net new migrants since 2000, with a surplus of immigrants more than offsetting a loss of people who moved out to suburbs or rural areas. Equally a group, urban counties had nine.8 1000000 more births than deaths, further bolstering their populations.

Suburban and small metro counties take grown since 2000 because of gains in all the drivers of population change. They gained xi.7 one thousand thousand new residents by drawing quondam residents of U.South. urban and rural areas, as well as immigrants from abroad. On meridian of that, they had 12.1 million more births than deaths.

It was a dissimilar movie for rural counties, even so, where move-outs since 2000 exceeded motility-ins. Every bit a grouping, they had a net loss of 380,000 people who moved out. The loss would have been larger – more than 950,000 people – had information technology non been partly offset past about 600,000 new immigrants. The total population of rural counties grew merely through natural increase – that is, they had 1.2 one thousand thousand more than births than deaths.

Rural population loss largest in Midwest

Patterns of births, deaths, migration and immigration vary greatly amid regions, and generally illustrate the long-term trend of Americans favoring the Sunbelt states of the S and West over Northeastern or Midwestern states. These regional differences persist within each county blazon.

Among rural counties, a bulk in the Northeast and Midwest lost population since 2000, while a majority in the South and especially the West gained population. One factor backside the regional deviation is that rural counties in the Northeast and Midwest were more likely than other rural areas to have more deaths than births. These counties as well were more likely to have experienced a net loss of migrants – more people moving out than moving in.

The population trends of rural counties are linked to their economic profiles.3 As a group, the nation'southward 391 rural farming counties – heavily concentrated in the Great Plains – accept lost total population since 2000, while rural counties with other types of economies gained population.

The total population of rural counties with recreation-based and regime-based economies grew more since 2000 than the populations of other rural county types. Ane reason recreation-based counties grew was that they had a net gain of new residents who moved from other U.S counties, the just rural canton type to have a gain in net domestic migration. An analysis by the Population Reference Bureau constitute that rural recreation-based counties were especially likely to take growing numbers of residents 65 and older, while rural farming-based counties were losing residents in that age group.

Among urban areas, the Midwest had the largest share of population-losing counties since 2000: 42% of urban counties in this region, including the ones that encompass Chicago (Cook County, Illinois), Detroit (Wayne Canton, Michigan), and Cleveland (Cuyahoga County, Ohio), lost population.

Among suburban and small metro counties, about a quarter of the ones in the Northeast and Midwest lost population since 2000, a higher share than in other regions. A majority of Northeast and Midwest suburban counties had a net gain of migrants, but that was mainly due to clearing. A bulk had a net loss of residents to urban or rural U.Southward. counties during this flow.

A key demographic tendency shaping the makeup of local populations, too as the nation as a whole, is the rising number of older Americans. The Baby Blast generation, born between 1946 and 1964, began turning 65 in 2011, and all will have reached that age past 2030.

While the population is aging in all three county types, this is happening more quickly in U.S. suburban and pocket-sized metro counties. The 65-and-older population grew 39% in the suburbs since 2000, compared with 26% in urban and 22% in rural counties.

Nationally and in each county type, the older developed population grew more sharply since 2000 than any other age grouping – young children, school-age children, young adults or middle-anile adults. In rural areas, the population younger than eighteen declined during this period. Equally a result, in each canton type, adults ages 65 and older now make upward a larger share of the total population than in 2000.

Every bit a grouping, rural counties skew older than suburban and urban counties: 18% of rural residents are 65 or older vs. xv% in suburban and pocket-sized metro counties and 13% in cities.

Rural counties also accept a smaller share of immature adults than urban or suburban populations.

Urban and suburban counties are becoming more racially and ethnically various at a much faster pace than rural counties

The nation is becoming more racially and ethnically diverse, but these changes have been more muted in rural counties compared with urban and suburban ones. The white share of the population savage viii percentage points since 2000 in the suburbs, seven points in the urban core and only 3 points in rural counties.

Overall, the U.S. population remains majority white, only not and then in urban areas as a group. Among urban residents, 44% are white, compared with 68% in suburban and pocket-size metro counties and 79% in rural counties. In fact, whites accept become the minority in most urban counties (53% of them are bulk nonwhite) since 2000; only about one-in-ten suburban (10%) and rural (xi%) counties are majority nonwhite.

While the share of the not-Hispanic whites has declined, the number of whites grew in the nation overall – and in suburban counties equally a whole – since 2000. But the white population did not abound as sharply as other groups did, leading to a refuse in the white share of the total U.S. and suburban populations.

In urban counties, the pass up in the share of the white population was due both to a decrease in the number of whites and an increase in the size of other populations, chiefly Hispanics.

In rural counties, the white population also decreased and other groups likewise increased in size, simply the impact was more modest on the white share of the population because whites are so large a proportion of rural residents.

The strange-built-in population is non evenly distributed beyond county types; immigrants tend to be concentrated in big metropolitan areas. In fact, about one-half live in urban counties, where they brand upwardly a higher share of the full than in suburban or rural counties.

The immigrant share of the population grew since 2000 in the nation as a whole and in each county type. Immigrants were responsible for a larger share of overall growth in rural (37%) and urban (38%) counties than in suburban (26%) ones.

Although rural counties as a grouping take more U.S.-born residents than in 2000, the majority of private rural counties have fewer U.S.-born residents than in 2000. There is a big overlap betwixt rural counties that accept fewer U.S.-born residents than in 2000 and those that have fewer total residents than in 2000. In the vast bulk of rural counties that lost population – 1,011 out of ane,025 – the number of U.Due south.-born residents declined, and there were non enough new immigrants to offset the loss.

There are gaps in poverty, educational activity and employment across county types

In improver to the iii major demographic shifts that are reshaping urban, suburban and rural counties in the U.S. – the aging of the population, changing racial and indigenous makeup and the influx of new immigrants – there are significant differences in other important metrics across community types. These relate to the economic well-beingness of their residents.

Poverty has increased more sharply in suburbs than in urban or rural counties

Overall, the poverty rate is somewhat higher in rural (18%) and urban (17%) counties than in suburban ones (14%). Poverty rates have risen in all three county types since 2000.

The number of people living in poverty as well has risen beyond community types, but the size of the poor population rose more than sharply in suburban counties than in urban or rural ones.

About one-half the U.S. poor population (49%) lives in suburban and small metro counties, while 34% alive in cities and 17% in rural areas.

But looking at the share of counties where at least a fifth of the population is poor – a measure out known as full-bodied poverty – rural areas are at the meridian. Nigh 3-in-ten rural counties (31%) have concentrated poverty, compared with 19% of cities and fifteen% of suburbs. The number of counties with concentrated poverty grew for all three county types since 2000.

Growing share of residents of all canton types take higher degrees

Growing shares of residents ages 25 and older take graduated from college in all types of U.S. communities since 2000, though growth since 2000 was non as sharp equally during the 1990s. Rural communities lag in the share of the population with a college degree.

Today, 35% of urban residents and 31% in the suburbs have a available'due south degree or more education, compared with 19% in rural counties. Rural areas as well trail urban and suburban areas in their share of residents with postgraduate degrees.

In urban and suburban counties overall, higher graduates outnumber residents with a high school diploma and no further education, but in the total rural population there are more than high schoolhouse graduates than college graduates. The share of residents who did not graduate from high school has dwindled in all three canton types.

Rural counties lost prime-age workers, while urban and suburban areas gained them

Rural counties too trail other types of communities, especially urban counties, on key measures of employment of prime-historic period workers – those 25 to 54 years quondam. For instance, 71% of rural residents of prime working historic period are employed, compared with 77% in both urban and suburban counties.

The number of employed adults in this age group (likewise as the total number of prime working-age residents, employed or not) rose in urban areas as well equally in suburban and pocket-size metro areas since 2000, but declined in rural counties overall. Rural counties now are home to a smaller share of the nation's prime number-age workers than in 2000.

The growth in the prime number-age working population was especially abrupt in urban areas. As a issue, urban counties now are home to a larger share of the nation'south prime-age workers than in 2000.

In suburban areas, which also saw an increase in the number of prime-age workers since 2000, the picture looks somewhat less rosy when analyzed through another lens – the feel of individual counties. Although the number of these workers grew for suburban counties as a group, a bulk of suburban counties (59%) have fewer of them than in 2000. Amid rural counties, 88% lost prime-age workers since 2000. Only 29% of urban counties did.

Another measure of economic wellness – average earnings per worker – is highest in urban counties and lowest in rural ones. These boilerplate earnings are lower now than in 2000 for all county types, reflecting lingering effects of the 2007-2009 recession, though average earnings in rural areas declined the to the lowest degree. (This more recent measure is based on a five-year average centered on 2014, reflecting earnings for the prior year. The 2000 effigy reflects 1999 earnings.)